The Free Soil Banner (Indianapolis, Ind.) November 3, 1848, Vol. I, No. 11

              EDITED AND PUBLISHED BY W. B. GREER & L. WALLAC1.V
HE IS THE FREEMAN, WHOM TRUTH MAKES FREE; AND ALL ARE SLAVES !!i:Si!)i;.'
VOL. I.
INDIANAPOLIS, FRIPAY,  NOVEMBER 3,  1848.
PUBLICATION OFFICE  OF THE
BANNER IS ON
PENNSYLVANIA STREET,
Three doors north of Washington Street.
From l/ie Cleveland True Dentoerat.
Poor Lcn'y Cass.
jan,
"SONCJS FOR THE PEOPLE.
__
Am— "Uncle NaV
There is an old 11 linker, and his nainr-is Eew'y Cass,
To the While House he longeih io go;
But lhey say such a ihing shall never come to pass,
While ihe trees in the wild wood grow!
This old Hunker lives iu the Suite M V-iehijji
And he has a long head as wc know,
But he has not the heart of a true honest man,
In the place where the heart ought 10 grow!
Then down wiih ihe faces of dough!
Strike we for Freedom, Oho!
No more ollice for poor Lew'y CflSB,
For he's going where lhe old Hunker's go!
Thev sent him io France as a minister wise,
Willi I 'nele Sam's cash for his wages;
To lhe Holy I/ind on a »iaud enii .
He weni for His Majesty _ babies!
With pious devoiion he knelt on ibe shore,
And Idled hiiu hollies to Ihfing,
Fioni Jordan's stream, ooflsecrated of jore,
To sprinkle the e/tild of a king!
Then down with lhe faces of dough, &c.
ilr mourned in his heart lhat he could not vote
For the Wilmot Proviso, he said.
Ere six montfis had vanished he altered his note,
For a change had conic over his til :ni.
A niighiy change was he thought going on,
In the people- minds and llisowji:
The Constitution would be trampled upon,
And lhc taxes ol disunion beSOWh!
Then down with the laces of dough, &c.
Ilii Souihern lords called for motf slave soil,
But the freemen of the North sa'»l "No!
No more ol the curse of uupaiil toil,
But come oiu lor lhe Proviso,'!
Between these tires he toasted and sweat,
Till he hit on a plausible plan;
Qouth he, "I'lldeceive (bese lYee Soilers vet,"
But I'm much deceived if he can.
Then down wiih the laces of dough, &tO.
This wonderful plan was to say to the North,
"hoi lhe Territories do as they pi
And ihen, with a sly wink, suggest to ihe South,
"You can take on your slaves at your ease!''
But he'll find the old eagle will ne'er peck at chaff,
But will spread his broad pinions for flight.
And orr Freemen at such a contrivance will laugh,
11 'hile lluy put in Iheir voles for the rigid!
Then down with the faces of dough, &e.
calculation. They claim to he able to
carry the pending Presidential controversy into the House of Representatives, and tliere they insist that their
chances are as good as any of the
candidates, if not hetter. They put
down as certain for them New York,
Vermont and Wisconsin, and a plurality in the popular vote, if not a clear
majority in Massachusetts. In this
State they contend the Cass party will
not poll any considerable vote out ol
the city of New York—probahly not
more than 30,000 and certainly not
more than 50,000. This deficiency the
Free Soil men will make up out of the
seceding whigs, the abolitionists, and
the anti-rent and national reform parties. The whig vote will be diminished largely by the absence of dissatisfied voters from the polls. Here is an
estimate made by Martin Van Buren
and his intimate friends.
The vote of Silas Wright, in 1844,
was 240,000 against 231.067 for Fillmore. The barnburners expect to poll
two-thirds, at least, of the democratic
vote of '44, and if they do it, their account, will stand thus:
Direct free soil vote,
Seceding whig vote,
Abolition vote,
Whig anti-rent and national re-
lb rm,
Total Van Burei vote,
Fillmore vote of 1844,
Deduct secedinn whigs,  25,000
"   Anti-rent aid   national reformers,   0,000
"    Diminution i.f whig
vote,
.
Total,
Van Buren vote,
100,000
25,000
16,000
8,000
207,000
230,000
national canvass will exhibit, parties in f tent in the momentary triumphs of the
present.
The foregoing is strictly the Van Ru-
the following attitude:
<""ss. Van Buren. Taylor.
Maine              „    Kvw York       M   R. Island i
A. Hampshire ti    Massachusetts I.'    New Jer.-ey 7
(')   Vermont           i;   Pennsylv'a SK5
■I     Delaware 3
Maryland 8
<8    N. Carolina 11
Qeorgia 10
Florida 3
Tennessee 13
Ken lucky 12
Indiana 12
v_oli.-ieetlci:l
Virginia
S. Carolina
Alabama
Mississippi
Louisiana
Illinois
Michigan
Arkansas
Missouri
Texas
Iowa
Total
17    Wisconsin
!l
'■>   Tolal
6
6
li
I
M!
100
Total
10!)
"bo'uWul.   9
plijo   *      2:'
Whole number of electoral vohs, -':'.'    \eressaiy
lo choice, 146.
Cass cannot possibly get the popular vote; and according to this view,
Ohio cannot give il to Taylor, nor
even Massachusetts added to the list
of Stales in his favor.
The election must thus go to t!te
llouse of Representatives. Once there
a new element enters into the struggle. There is but. one contingency
by whieh ('ass or Tavlor can get sixteen States, and with less than that
number they  are no   better off  than
ren view of the present posture of affairs. I give them, and you may take
them for what thev are worth.
From lhe Albany Atlas.
Gen. Taylor ami the 1'ioviso.
No Whig pretends that Gen. Taylor has given any assurance that he will
stand by the rights of the Free States,
unless it is (contained in his Allison letter. An attempt is made to pervert
the fair and obvious import of that letter, and to construe it into such an assurance. Ask a Taylor Whig why the
Philadelphia Convention kicked out the
proviso with hisses and scorn and he
•will reply : "there i.s the Allison let-
ler.*' Ask him why the Convention
failed to lay down any platform, and
you meet With the same response.—
Ask him why, being a Free Soil man,
he can support Taylor, and the sternly ped reply is, "There's the Allison let-
[ ter." lt becomes important, then, to
examine this letter in connection with
.     I   -.-tlUJIll-     HJIO   ICUCI     111     l-Vl! UC-l. Ui'll     Willi
\an iHiienuiin  three Males or with | Uie drc(imstam:es  miclCr which it was
20,000
  51,000

179,000
207,000
The 1'residential Contest—Its Philosophy and Probabilities—A Set-
oft'to thc Boasts of IIunRerism.
The Taylor press frequently quote
from the editorial columns of the N.
Y. Herald. It may be well, now and
then, to appeal from the editors, to
those of his political correspondents,
who are more temperate and independent in tone. Such is the Albany
correspondent of that Journal, who, in
a late   communication,  mingles  some
Leaving Van Burm's majority, 28,000
The diminution »f the whig vote and
the force of the seceding whigs are
probably both unlerstated ; and the
barnburner votes, t is claimed, will rise
10,000 to 20,000 ligher. The whigs
acknowledge that heir aggregate may
be diminished by 50,000. Van Bu-
ren's majority in fie State, it i.s calculated, will not be less than 40,000.—
(This estimate is, f course, in our judgment, too high.) The eighth district,
leretoforc 12,00(strong for the Whigs,
only one. The question must resolyt
itself-—as the elements which compose
it are attracted and repelled—into one.
pf North and South. On that line of
division, the States are evenly balanced; and yet, to two of the Southern
States, (Texas and Missouri,) Van Buren is more acceptable than might be
the candidate of the South—and this
apart from till views of the .succession.
But if this bc not so—and here, 1 lake
it, rests the real trust of the Van Buren party—the question can only be
decided by a coalition and compromise
('bargain and borruption,' as the peo-
written, for the purpose of seeing what,
was the real intention and design of ils
auihor. It is proper in the outset, to
state that the Convenfion at Philadelphia, after having hooted down every
honored principle and usage of the party, undertook to adopt a resolution approving ol the Allison letter, and that
the resolution met the same fate as its
predecessors, but not for the same reason.
The resolutions avowing allegiance
to the whig party, approving of the
nomination of Taylor if he would accept  it as   a  whig,   and declaring the
pie would term i.) between the tvTo op-   pmidple   Qr {he   proviso t0   be an in_
posing candidates. Let that event'
come, say the free soilers, and "woe to
the victors !'' The administration thus
formed is blasted in its strength from
its birth, and the party of opposition
—lhc free soilers in the von—become
omnipotent in determining the destinies of the country. The battle of
'52 is won beyond a doubt. In lhat
battle of "52 to which the Van Buren
party look forward as the era of deliv-
crrors and   crudities with   many valu- j will go for Van Buren,  if it does not
able and far-sighted suggestions.
\icvd it attentively, and inwardly
digest the horoscope, cast by the writer
in the closing paragraphs, of political
ooganization in  1852.
But to the letter.—Cin. Globe
Albany, October 13, 1848.
Calculations of lhe Strength and Pro-
je.cts of  the Free Soil Party—Curi-
I ous l'jxposition of the Views of the
Triumvirate of the Democracy—
Benton, Van Buren, and Calhoun—
The Van \$uren Views of the S(ru<>-
i ...      i
gle.
Thc, results ofthe recent elections in
Pennsylvania and Ohio prove that the
Frce Soil party will wield a powerful
inlluence iu the approaching 1'residential election. I am aware that any
statements which will enable lhe public to form some idea ol the expectations and designs of the I end ere of this
party will be highly interesting at this
particular crises. Hence, I am about
to give you the substance df some confidential conversations which have recently taken place between Martin
Van Buren and other., in relation to
the strength, and the present and future
policy, ofthe Free Soil party.
The movement, they declare, is
comprehensive and natural, not local.
It looks to permanency, and while ar
riving at immediate success, pitches its
view beyond '48 to the plain and vis-
able mark of '52. It embraces in the
Stale, not only such sagacious politicians as Martin Van Buren, Flagg,
Young, &C., but a host of ardent and
enthusiastic minds among the younger
class of politicians headed by that
brilliant young man, John Van Buren.
We cannot believe that a cause can be
a forlorn one, or anything but an auspicious one, when such a man as
Judge Gardiner throws himself into it,
or when Dix stakes upon it arreputa-
tion fast rising to be the first in the
nation. It is to the vast and eventually controlling army of young men
that  these  leaders look   for  security
actually revers* its majority. With
New York for *an Buren, neither Cass
nor Taylor ca. receive the popular
election—but ' must go to the House.
No eandidateever succeeded without
New York, &d the free soilers exult
in the omen.
But thev ount upon more than one
State. Tlnvass men in Vermont have
two alterntives presented to them—
to run andshow their strength, or to
vote withdie Van Buren party. In
an active-confidential correspondence
with the [esent politicians in N. York,
it is assded that they will take the
latter corse. The whigs, in the recent eletion in that State, expressly
stipulal- that the victory was not to
enure h* the benefit of Taylor, and it
is be.lie°d a large number will vote for
Van Bren. If the popular vole does
not §jtt the State to Van Buren, the
ohoicovili be thrown on the Legislature, \iere there is a decided anti-Taylor mjority. The small number of
Cass'eh who hold the balance of power lh'°. will slnhify themselves if they
do ni throw the vote for Van Buren,
that-" if it be necessary for Cass to
thro" the ultimate choice into the
Hoie of Representatives. Wisconsin'ill certainly vote for Van Buren.
j, to Massachusetts, in tbe words of
W»ster, "iherc she stands.1' Her
pe#le are, in sentiment, with lhe Van
Bum men; nothing but an old and un-
fonnate prejudice alienaies Massachu-
se* from New York. The assurance
ofhe free soil leaders is, that the living
mi will give a majority for Van Buren;
hn the resurrected dead may stand,
nman knows; but even they cannot
(>(i a majority to Taylor.
Ohio is doubtful ; she may go for
(ss; she cannot go for Taylor; if the
jiyers of the  t'vee soilers   avail, she
II go for Van Buren.
Pennsylvania will be thrown into the
iiids of Taylor. The free soil vote,
Inch, it is calculated, will equal the
>te of Cass in New York, will be
ravvn mainly from the democratic
An immense free soil vote
era nee and   triumph, an element is to
1 enter which is not understood  by the , vjta| ()nt,stiOI1 ?
multitude, but the  operation of which,   ;1||' vv|m  rnnS|
the sagacious leaders of the barn burp-
ers,   looking into "the seeds of time,'"
have anticipated.
By the certain and inevitable law of
population—the calculation that leads
to the result is predicated on lhe successive census ol  the last thirty years.
The enumeration of 1850, and the dis-1 exercise(J eXcept in cases of clearly un-
tribut.onol representatives and, W^\ constitutional   legislation,   or   manifest
dent.al electors, founded  upon  it,  will   iia,le ur want 0f consideration.
give to lhe free northern democratic
seperable element of the whig creed,
were rejected because lhey did not suit
the South—that approving the Allison
letter because it did not suit the North.
Hut to the letter.
Who is this Capt. Allison ? If we
are correctly informed, he is a brother-
in-law of Gen. Taylor ; a slaveholder,
'amj lives but a few miles from him.—
Can', it be supposed, then, that he|is
writing to such a person assuring him
that he is going for the North on this
Why write to him at
be supposed lo know his
political sentiments, if he has any ? —
What is the assurance in the letter ?
The substance is this :
1st. The will of the people, us expressed by their representatives,ought
to be carried out.
2d. The veto power ought not to be
is owing to the ■''" ^e c:ist m Illinois, Indiana, &c, and
_f young men l'eavy vote also in Iowa, Michigan,
v inspire in re--'onue<-Ucut' :mfl New Jersey, which
and advancement, lor the bold and ap-,
parently self sacrificing attitude which 1,.',(:n8"1,
they have assumed,    lt i
presence of this body o
and the confidence they insp.._
card to the future, that this coinpara-na.V not directly swell  the  free soil
lively hopeless party exhibits a zeal, a'trength now, but which will operate
confidence, and enthusiasm, that neith->ovver.
lie is not so treated at the Sou lb.—
They say he is fcof them, and for them."
Take another view of the letter and it
is equally as conclusive in favor of the
South, lt i.s this : lhe doctrine of the
Proviso or lhe Ordinance of 1787, has
never been applied to an inch of territory south of the line of the Missouri
Compromise. That line has, since
1820, been recognized as the dividing
line between the slave and free territory. The South claim it as being as
sacred as the compromise which permitted slavery in the "old thirteen."—
Is it not clear then that the qualification given by the General in this letter
was intended to meet the case of an
attempt lo extend the ordinance of
Freedom south of lhat line ? Would
he not say that such a law is unconstitutional because it would be contrary
to the exposition which the Constitution has received in the legislation ol
the country ?
When we consider that Gen. Taylor
has said the '■'South should never agree
Then the farther fact, t
time the Allison letter was
dressed as it was, to a s
brother-in-law, Mr. Met
cinnati, Ohio,  addressee
letter, making the direct
er, if elected,   he would
viso should   it  pass Con
refused  to answer   or  to
self not to do so.    That
gives   strong   additional
what Ins intentions are. a
dissipates all hope of den
from the vague generalit-L
son letter m-favor of Pret
It is said, upon good au
lieve, that Mr. Ililliard, of
was in the Philadelphia G\
is on the stump for Taylor,
son letter as evidence that 1.
to the South.    Certain it is t
creates no distrust of Taylor
The result in South Carolina i
significant of Southern confi
General.
Another consideration is we
remembered in this connectioi
effort of the South will be t
line  of* the  Missouri  Coinpr
Pacific.     For that policy th
likely to secure the co-operat
era Doughfaces.     In thc ev<
law passing Congress, the All
furnishes the most positive a*
it would meet with the Exnop-
oly. All its components are [Hire and
homogenous. Its candidate is one of
pre-eminent fitness for his place. His
PLEDGES in favor of FIiee Laboh and
Frke Sou., are given in his own public
declarations, backed by an honorable
career, ami in the resolutions of' the
Conventions which nominated him, sustained by a powerful and advancing
party.—'Albany Atlas.
FrKkSoU, ANOT11K FlUKN'OS. A ilieill-
berof the Society of Friends, Queen's
county. New York, writing to the editor
of the New York Evening Post, says:
"The Society of Friends has always
been engaged in promoting the cause
of emancipation. The platform presented by tbe Buffalo Convention entirely meets my views, and I think there
will be a more general attendance of
Friends at the polls this fall than has
ever been thecase heretofore, and lhat
unitedly for Van Buren, and at lhe sacrifice of some old prejudices ; but we
believe he is right now."
A Sion in Wisconsin.—A tavern
keeper in Racine County, twelve miles
from Southport, says the S. Telegraph,
put up three boxes in the morning, for
Van lkiren, Taylor, and Cass, and on
counting the votes at night, he found
I for Clay, 2 for Cass, 12 for Taylor,
72 for Van Buren, and 7 refused to vote.