The Free Soil Banner (Indianapolis, Ind.) September 15, 1848, Vol. I, No. 4

              EDITED AND PUBLISHED BY VV. B. UREER & L. WALLACE J
HEIS THE FREEMAN, WHOM TRUTH MAKES FREE; AMD ALL ARE SLAVES BESIDE."
[PRINTED BY DOUGLASS & ELDER.
VOL. I.
INDIANAPOLIS,  FRIDAY,   SEPTEMBER   15,   1848.
NO. 4.
PUBLICATION OFFICE  OF THE
BANNER IS ON
PENNSYLVANIA STREET,
Three doors north of Washington Street.
At the same time it would be unjust to
accompany such a victory with any feelings of acrimony or ill-will towards the
individual members of the losing side.—
The slaveholding section   of   the Union
- I merits our sympathy, even while the ag-
Mr. Adains's Letter, Accepting the j grcssjve policy meets with the firmest re-
Bullalo  Nomination.
[correspondence.]
sistance. For the time may yet come
when those who now regard the declarations of the Buffalo Platform as a vindictive
assault upon their dearest interests, will
construe them rather to be the preservation of their highest moral  and   political
New York, Aug. 16, 1848.
Hon. C. F. Adams, Quincy, Mass.
Sir: We have the honor to inform you, j r;gilts# Qurs is not a contest with gep
that after you left the Chair of the Na- , graphically defined sections of country,
tional Free Soil Convention, lately held at; nor with 01.ganjze(] communities of men.
Buffalo, and of which you were President.■ It is ft strUgg|0 to 8U8tain principles of in-
we were appointed a committee to apprise , esljluable va|ue m every ]auU) 0f gcUeral
you that you had been nominated by the application wherever society is established.
Convention, as its candidate for the office j Success with us is the synonym only of
ol Vice President of the United States, | lhat extens;on 0f tne greatest blessings
and to solicit your acceptance of such nom-•■ wnich good government can most certainly
ination. , De expected to confer upon the  human
Your personal knowledge of the objects. ra(:c> As guch W(J hail ils appr0aeh, not
character and proceedings of the Conven- j so much for lhe good ,t may do to us as to
tion, supercedes the necessity of saying; a]1 thoge who may now regarci ;t as por.
anything, in this place, upon either of these iPn(y[ri„ nothing but injury to themselves,
points; and we trust also, that a simple
reference to the unexampled unanimity
and enthusiasm with which its principles
were proclaimed, and its candidates selected, will be a sufficient argument to induce you to accept the nomination you '
received.
While each of the undersigned cordially
unites in this sentiment, it is due to the '
State of Ohio, represented by one of them,  ^Maryland, to which   we  referred ,n
that he should especially express it, since j yesterday a paper.     It will be seen   that
it was addressed to the Committee.ot Correspondence, and of course it would have
been read before the recent Convention at
Union Hall, had it been received in time.
Coming from such a source, at this extra*
1 am, gentlemen, with sentiments of the
highest respect, your obedient servant,
CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS.
Ex-Governor
on    Free
Thomas
Soil.
The   following is the  letter   from the
Hon.     Francis     Thomas,    Ex-Governor
specially
the selection of a candidate for the Vice
Presidency was, in the first instance, accorded to that State; thus making you, in
a peculiar sense, her nominee on the ticket
proposed by the Convention to the American people.
We are, Sir, with high respect and
Esteem, your obedient servants,
B. F. BUTLER,
J. L. WHITE,
S. P. CHASE,
Committee of the National  Free Soil
Convention, held at Buffalo, New York.
ordinary juncture of political affairs, it
will doubtless be perused with interest by
all classes of readers. We therefore
place it on record, as a part of the history of the times.— The Sun.
Alleganv County, Aug. 26, 1848.
Gentlemen :—Your letter, dated on the
19th of this month, inviting me to be present at a Mass State Convention, at "Union Mall," in the city of Baltimore, on
Wednesday next, has been forwarded
from my house in Frederick to my temporary residence in this county, where I
have been detained for more than a month
past attending to private business.
From your letter I learn that the principal object of the proposed Convention
will be the formation of an Electoral tick-
To Hon. B. F. Butler, J. L. White, and
S. P. Chase, Committee of the National
Free Soil Convention, held at Buffalo,
New York.
Quincy, August 22, 1848.
Gentlemen : I have just received your
official letter, apprising me of the great
honor done me by the Convention which
you represent, in nominating me as its candidate for the office of Vice President of
the United States, and also soliciting my j et, to be voted for by the people of Mary-
acceptance of the nomination. ■ 'and, favorable to the election of Mr. Van
In reply, permit me to say that it had | Buren to the Presidency,
been my hope and my expectation to bo I have not participated in the proceed-
able to act in the present canvass as one ings of any political meeting, large or
of the humblest, but not of the least ear- small, sin >e my canvass for the Chief Ma-
nest and devoted servants of the great ; gistracy of Maryland closed, at a public
cause in which we are engaged; but since \ meeting in the town of Cumberland, early
it has pleased my fellow-laborers, and es- in October, eighteen hundred and forty-
pecially the noble representatives of the one. I am, therefore, under no obliga-
great State of Ohio, to whom in your let- tion. express or implied, to support or vote
ter you particularly allude, to call upon j for either one of the nominees of the Name, most unexpectedly to myself, to stand . tional Conventions held by the whig and
in the front ranks of the contest; since it democratic parties, respectively. Being
is their will, unequivocally expressed, that j free to make choice of a candidate to be
I should be a candidate for the second of- , voted  for from the three gentlemen who
rice in the Union, I am not the man to refuse to acknowledge the obligation, or to
shrink by a moment's hesitation, from the
post not less of duty than of honor, which
they assign me. I accept most cheerfully
of the nomination.
have been brought before the public
through the agency of others, I shall most
certainly, if I live, and can attend the
polls, vote for that electoral ticket which
shall stand pledged to vote for Mr. Van
Buren for the Presidency, and Mr. Adams
The fathers of the Republic, nurtured | for the Vice Presidency,
in the great school of Liberty, opened by | Having neither leisure nor inclination,
the reformation, aimed to illustrate, by a I at this time, to elaborate my reasons for
practical example in America, the excel-1 this determination, I shall content myself
lence of their cherished theory of gov-' with saying, that I have great confidence
ernment. To the general success of their ( in Mr. Van Buren as a tried Statesman,
experiment, commenced in 1776, and car- eminently qualified for the duties imposed
ried forward in 1789, a lapse of more than | by the Constitution on our Chief Magis-
half a century has borne witness. ' trates : that in my opinion the whole coun-
But unfortunately, the same period has , try owe to him much for his distinguish-
also developed the existence of an adverse' ed agency in giving proud predominance
influence incautiously admitted at the out-. to those great measures of public policy,
set, which has thus far done much lo qual- '< to the success of which my own political
ify the beneficial results which have been life was, in a very small sphere, devoted;
attained from it. i and that  my preference for  him, arising
That which at first seemed only a de-j from these considerations, instead of being
flection from the path of justice in favor diminished, is increased by the pledge he
of vested rights and a privileged class, j has given, to follow in the footsteps of
has, by degrees, shown itself to be so wide1 those illustrious patriots and philanthro-
a divergency, that the only choice now left piste'who, by adopting the Federal Con-
to the people of the United States, is either j stitution that clothed Congress with power
to turn back or else, by going farther for-, to prohibit the African slave trade, signi-
ward, voluntarily to abandon the princi- Red, distinctly, their desire to have the
pies with which their fathers started. The I further extension of slavery arrested, and
alternative is clearlv presented of the ex- who, by adopting the celebrated ordinance
tension ofslavery over the whole breadth of i of 1787, forbidding the introduction ofj
the North American continent, or the main- slavery into all the territory then held by
tenance of the fundamental doctrines ofj the United States, set an example that
the Declaration of Independence. The ' ought to have been followed by their pos-
two things cannot exist in the United States. ' terity.
Regret it as we may, we can neither evade! The opinions here indicated, I have
nor refuse the issue made up for us. Not! long entertained, and know of no reason
to accept it is equivalent in my mind to I why I should not on this occasion give to
deserting a great moral, social and political , them distinct utterance. Indeed, so far
truth, at a moment when every known rule   from feeling any wish to conceal my opin-
Thc Bargain.
We have evidence that goes to show,
that there was a pre-existing understanding between Gem Taylor's particular
friends and his northern supporters, that
the Wilmot Proviso was to be PUT DOWN
in the Convention. Would this have been
done if Gen. Taylor was in favor of the
Proviso ? No one will credit it. Ililliard
of Alabama, a distinguished whig, was
drawn out as follows, in a debate in Congress, on the 1st inst.
"Cobb, of Georgia, asked the gentleman, (Mr. Milliard,) if he believed a majority of the Philadelphia Convention
were opposed to the Wilmot Proviso 1
"Mr. Ililliard replied [mark this] that
the northern gentlemen of that body assured them, that the resolution should be
put down if it was offered ; and by a motion of a northern man, a member from
Pennsylvania, (Mr. Brown,) when the
Wilmot Proviso was brought forward it
was laid on the table by an overwhelming
vote. He asked if there could be a strong,
er expression of sentiment of that body,
and of respect of southern rights than was
shown on that vote?
" Mr. Cobb again asked, that there
might be no equivocation, did the gentleman from Alabama believe that the majority of the Philadelphia Whig Convention were opposed to the principles of the
Wilmot Proviso ?
" Mr. Billiard said that, when the Convention, in the open light of day, thousands looking on, did vote to put down the
Wilmot Proviso, it gave him the strongest
assurance he could ask, that they would
stand by the South against it."
It is plain to see what ground the true
Taylor men intended to take. It is this
—that the Wilmot Proviso was brought
into the Convention'as a test question—
that being voted down, the Convention and
the parly are pledged against it, and that
Gen. Taylor, if elected President under
that nomination, would be bound to veto a
bill containing the Proviso.
In connection with these facts take the
following. Some of our Congressmen
have written home, very pathetically urging upon the Whigs, the obligation to support Gen. Taylor, on the ground that his
friends had originally intended to run
him as an independent candidate, but that
the Whig members of Congress having
induced them to go into Convention, it
would be a breach of good faith not to
sustain the nomination. Now, it may be
very pertinently asked, who authorized
the members of Congress to bargain away
the party to Gen. Taylor, or to make any
such arrangements as they did make?—
And what inducement did they offer to the
Taylor men to bring them into the arrangement? We can imagine but one,
and that one, that he should certainly receive the nomination; for the Taylor
men had always professed to believe, that
he was as safe with an independent nomi- I
nation, as he would be if nominated by I
either party. They would not, then, of l
course, yield what they considered a certainty for an uncertainty—they would
not let his name go into the Convention,
without an assurance amounting to a moral certainty of his nomination.— Worcester Spy.
| party candidate.    But  after the game of
: setting up evil spirits has been tried  two
■ or three times, and has failed  on account
' of the impracticability of the "conscience
party," their scruples will be recognized,
| and their   moral tastes propitiated  in the
political arrangements of both or all parties."
of human duty would seem to demand the
complete establishment of it over the minds
of a free people.
With these feelings, I have read, again
ions on this subject, I know of no public
question, to be decided in the approaching
Presidential election, of so much moment
as that particularly involved in the nomi-
and again, the Platform of Principles laid nations at Buffalo, or better calculated to
downby the Buffalo Convention, I hail it' awaken my decided preference for the
as the signal of return to the path of the ' Electoral ticket you propose to have nom-
revolutionary patriots, as the area of ad-' inated.
vance in the theory of Free Democracy. | Seeing that I cannot attend the sittings
There are now but two living antagonist of the Convention to be held on Monday
principles in the politics of the Untied j next, I must be content with tendering my
States. The one which shelters itself un-, best wishes for success to your commend-
der thecover of human force, and the other ! able purposes, and am, very respectfully,
which draws its vitality from human rea-1 your fellow-citizen,
son and human sympathy.     To all those i FRANCIS THOMAS,
-who have confidence in the capacity ofj     Messrs. W. Gunnison, R. Gardiner, E.
man for  self-government, it must  be   a i B. Cunningham, T. II. Stanford and J. E.
source of great satisfaction to believe that   Snodgrass, Committee, &c.
the period when the last of these princi
ples will triumph in the United States is
rapidly approaching.
OCT The  doctrines  of   the  Free  Soil
party are spreading like wild fire.
Choice of Evils.
Rev. A. P. Peabody, a distinguished
New England clergyman, well known by
many in this city, has written a letter to a
friend, in reply to the question whether a
professing Christian can consistently support for the Presidency, either Cass or
Taylor. Answering only for himself, he
expresses himself strongly against both,
and handles the common notion about
choosing between evils, in the following
admirable and conclusive style :—Herald.
"But, I am asked, is it not your duty,
even if you approve of neitherof the two j
candidates, to give your influence in
behalf of the one whom you least disapprove ? In reply, I grant that it is
not my duty always to insist on the best j
men and measures, and to withhold the
vote from the better, when I cannot have |
my best. But the case is different, when,
in whichever way I vote, 1 must recognize some false or vicious principle. This
I conceive to be the case in the present
crisis. Cass and Taylor are both the declared and the as-good-as-pledged representatives of the policy of slavery extension and pro-slavery action ; and if they
represent aught else, it is the war spirit
in the most truculent and revolting aspects.
"Time and again, conscientious Christian men have been asked to give thejr
votes for candidates whom they could not
approve, on the ground that the only alternative was the election of such men or
worse. Now the responsibility for the
occurrence of the greater of two evils
rests with those who offer to the public
only a choice of evils. So long as conscientious men will vote without hesitation
for the candidates of their respective parties, moral distinctions and moral principles will remain unrecognized in the nomination of these parties. But let any considerable number of men avow their dissent from their respective parties on moral grounds, their consciences will command and receive respect in future nominations. If Moloch and Belial be the two
rival candidates, even though Moloch be
the least foul spirit of the two, let good
men stay away from the polls, or cast
scattering votes for Gabriel. The result
may be that Moloch will lose his election,
and Belial be chosen. If so, Moloch's
party will profess to lay all the blame on
the good men, who would not go for the
ici^lii    oi the South.
While we would very strenuously and
with great '/igilance oppose the extension
ofslavery over any portion of the earth
now exempt from its blighting influence,
we would carefully avoid abridging any
right which belongs to any citizen of the
United States. It is by a proper respect
paid to the rights of others, that we most
effectually secure and protect our own.—
And when a difference arises between the
fellow citizens of a common country,
touching their respective rights, it becomes a matter of great importance lo
them that 3uch rights should be clearly
defined, and well understood.
With regard to the territory which has
been "acquired" by our government as
the product of the war upon Mexico, there
can be no doubt but that it belongs alike
to all the people of the al States; and that
every citizen stands upon an exact parity
of right respecting it. No one citizen pos-
sessses, or can rightfully claim any privileges or immunities in relation to such
territory in equal degree, to every other
citizen. All this we claim for ourself, and
concede to all others, as a matter of course,
and about which there can be no ground
of dispute.
But our Southern countrymen claim the
right to settle in the territories, and to
transfer their property thither; and their
slaves being their property, they have as
a consequence the right to take and hold
their slaves there. This, we think, is begging the question. We admit their perfect right to settle in the new territories,
and to take their property there, precisely
as the citizens of Ohio have that right.—
And we admit their right, if they choose
to take their slaves with them. But wo
hold that the moment their slaves set their
feet upon the soil of these territories with
the consent of their masters, from that
moment they cease to be slaves. They
are now the property of their masters,
because they are made such by the laws
of the States where they reside. There
are no such laws in the territories; and
by the help of God and the people of the
United States, there never will be.
Our brethren of the South complain that
such restriction is an abridgement of their I
rigbts—and claim, that as a matter of
right laws should be framed for those territories, constituting that property therein, which the Almighty has invested with
immortallity. We recognize no such
claim. On the contrary, we insist that to
do so would be a manifest and vital infringement of the rights of the people ofj
the free States of this Union—an infringement which has already been too frequently perpetrated, and too quickly acquiesced
in.
That torritory is now free of the plague
spot; and the people of the Southern States
have all the rights there that are possessed
by the people of the North.    An exact
equality of right prevails.    To change the
institutions of that country so as to authorize the introduction of slavery, would destroy their equilibrium.    The citizens of
the free States who might wish to go thither
to  reside, would very naturally wish to
take with them their schools, which are
found very inconvenient concomitants with !
a state of slavery.    Being generally men j
of comparatively   moderate means, they ,
would wish to cultivate their small farms
with their own hands; this would be ex-1
ceedingly unfashionable by the side of the '
oppulent planter, whose fields are cultiva-1
ted by labor extorted from unwilling hands, j
They could not, under such circumstances, maintain any sort of parity with the I
man who habitually lives and thrives by
the vicarious toil and smart of others than
himself.    They are assigned a position in
social rank, approximating far nearer the
servile j/roperty of their neighbor, than
that of his neighbor himself.    In a political view he is degraded to a most humiliating standard, by the fact that five of his
neighbor's  chattels  tell as  much  at  an
election as himself and two of his peers.
Is it reasonable—is  it right—that men,
schooled in the lessons of freedom, should
be asked to submit to such degradation ?
But what wrong, pray is inflicted upon
the people of the South, by refraining to
pass a special act for their benefit? What
warrant have they for demanding that the
institutions of these newly acquired territories shall be radically changed, to adapt
them to the peculiarities of the South?—
If they are so wedded to these peculiarities
that they cannot live apart from them, let
them content themselves to remain where
the sad peculiarities are tolerated. The
very fact that slavery begets a sort
of dependence in those who are subject to
its influence, is itself an argument against
its extension. Men accustomed to self-
dependence, loathe the contact. They
would no more embrace an institution, the
effect of which they are well apprised
would he to deprive them of their self-dependence, than a man of temperate habits
would deliberately cultivate a taste for inebriety.
The people of the South have the undoubted right to settle in the newly acquired territory — and when so settled
there, they have a right to all the privileges which belong to any other people
there. They may take their property
there, and enjoy it as other people may.
But they may not take with them a moral
pestilence to blight, the land, and thus deprive others who have rights equal with
themselves, of the full enjoyment of their
rights.—Ohio Stale Journal.
An Old Hunker Fight.—The New Haven Palladium, one of the "decency" organs, has lhe following in relation to Gen.
Taylor:—
They know he's u VVliig, an 1 gi iiiiirie gslme,
worth :i dozen such men as i !ass,
Who without spelling ihe C of his name,
la rightly described as an Asa.
To which the New Haven Register responds :—
11 this ho a fact how surprising
That lie dues nol attracl lhe Whig mn
Who in following Taylor, before he has Iwiyed,
Proved themselves the most verdant of Asses.
Information Wanted.—Any information concerning one Lew Cass, an unfortunate gentleman, supposed to be m an unhappy state of mind, will de thankfully
received by his anxious friends.
O^Hn 1840 the Whig party was buried
in the meshes into which it involuntary
plunged. Tyler, whose principles were
not known, was elected by the Whigs to
betray them. But it seems that this party is determined not to profit by experience ; for they are advocating the election
of a man who insists that he is not a party
candidate, and whose principles are less
known to the country than were those of
Tyler. This was like the man in the ditty that got his eyes scratched out in the
briar bush, and took the same means to
scratch them in again—thus :—
"There was a man in our town,
And he was Wondrous wi e,
He jumped into a briar bush,
And scratched out both bis eyes,
An.I when he saw h\- eyes were-buf,
Wiih all his might and main,
He jumped into the briar bosh,
To scratch them in again."—Cm. Sig.
Freemen  Arouse!   The Fires are
Raging:.
Friends of Free Soil! Let your hearts
rejoice at the rapid progress of your principles. Gloriously are they advancing.—
Throughout the whole length and breadth
of the North, thousands are daily enlisting
under the banner of Free Soil, and buckling on their armor to do battle for their
country and their God. The great principles of human liberty are sweeping
through the land like a raging wild fire,
demolishing in their triumphant march
every subterfuge of the Northern recreants, and exposing them to the scorching
rebuke of an uprising people, determined
to maintain their rights.
Like th*» Crueado of tbo Eleventh century, which in its enthusiasm loosened all
Europe from its foundations, and hurled it
upon Asia, so this crusade against the extension of the accursed system of human
slavery is arousing the whole North in its
strength, to the defence of the sacred principles of freedom, and causing every patriotic heart to vibrate in unison with the
call of Liberty, and every breast to swell
with indignation at the attempt made to
blight the virgin soil of the far west with
the curse of human bondage. The energetic and talented young men of the Free
States, born and nourished in freedom, are
flocking in crowds to the standard of Free
Soil and Free Labor—are rallying under
its broad banner and raising their voices
against the violation of man's dearest
rights. Intelligence from all parts of the
North shows how the cause of freedom is
bearing down every thing opposed to it.—
Roll on the Ball, and let the whole North
speak in one voice for freedom at the ballot
box next November. Fear not, your cause
is just—it must triumph.—Era.
What they Think.
The following is from the Charleston
Mercury, and shows how the wind blows :
"Our readers will perceive by the intelligence from Washington, that the South
has been vanquished. The Wilmot Proviso is incorporated in the Oregon bill, and
the poor protection of the Missouri Compromise has been denied by both houses.
In the House it was voted down by 121 to
82, every Representative from the North,
with the exception of four voting against
it. In the Senate the action of the House
in rejecting the Missouri Compromise was
concurred in by a vote of 29 to 25—every
Northern Senator voting with the majority, while Benton of Missouri, Houston of
Texas, Spruance of Delaware, played trai
tors to the interest of the States they represented. The contumely and insult are
complete. There is nothing to be added
except the submission of the South to the
attempted degredation. The Southern
States, by the joint vote of the Senate and
House of Representatives—the unanimous
vote of the Northern members, comprising
a numerical majority in one House, and
the addition of three Southern Senators to
the Northern in the other—are pronounced inferiors in the Confederacy. There
is no protection in party. Whig and
Democrat are alike trustless when the issue is made between the North and the
South, and the compromises of the Constitution, and the Missouri Compromise, are
spurned alike by Whig and Democrat.
fjC^rThe Taylorites. who cast off all their
principles at Philadelphia, are complaining that the Free Soil men have stolen all
the first rate "Whig" principles, and a-
dopted them in their platform. A similar
achievement was performed in olden times
by Prince Voltiger's grandsire — for we
read that—
"A painted vest Prince Valtiger had on
Which from a naked Pick his grandsire
won."—Boston Republican.
The Wind Changed.—No intelligent
observer of the signs of lhe times, it seems
to us, can have failed to remark the change
which has so recently taken place in the
political atmosphere. For years the prevailing wind has blown from the South—
blasting with its hot sirocco breath every
thing lovely and dear to the hearts of freemen. The celebrated Professor Espy—
nicknamed 'the Storm King'—maintained
with a goodly show of logic that by kindling fires in certain places, he could produce a change of the wind, or beautiful
showers, whenever human convenience or
necessity rendered it desirable. The experiments of the New York 'Barnburners'
have thus far verified the Professor's theory. The fires they have lighted up on
the old watch'towers of liberty, in the Empire State, arc producing even greater phenomena in the political sky than the potent
'storm king' in the height of his philosophy
ever dreamed of. They have almost com-
plely rectified the course of the wind.—
'Straws show which way the wind blows,,
says the old proverb, and we have watched
them, for the past few weeks, with a degree of interest we never felt before. We
cannot be mistaken. They all tell the
same story. The wind has shifted! It
now blows a stiff, cool breeze from the
northwest, and from one end of the continent to the other the people are inhaling
new life. They breathe freer and deeper
—more quick—stand stronger! The Star
Spangled Banner floats more cheerily —
and flings out once more its glorious con-
stellation, every star glittering with hope
for the oppressed !
We tell Ihe people the wind has changed.
Let litem look to the weathercocks!—Standard.
Hon. J. M. Root.—The Old Bunkers
of this gentleman's district appearing disposed to make adherence to Taylor a test
of whiggery, Mr. Root, in a letter, thus
explicitly defines his position:
"So far as I am concerned, I arn ready
to do all in my power to relieve all embarrassment that my position occasions
them. I can neither vote for Taylor nor
Cass; and I feel well assured that if the
whigs of our district knew as well as I do
what kind of motives and instrumentalities
produced the nomination of the former by
the Philadelphia Convention, not a score
of them would vote for liim; but I have
no quarrel with any of them.
" It is not for me to say whether I am to
be re-nominated or re-elected, nor by whom
it shall be done, if done at all. I have
neither changed or abandoned any part of
the old Whig creed; but I adhere to it, and
shall. If u majority of the electors in the
district desire me to represent them in
Congress, I shall not object; but if they
desire another to represent them they can
elect him.
" I am for Free Men and Free Land,
and hold myself in readiness to defend them
whenever they may be assailed. If I shall
only by the action of the political parties
of our district, be relieved from the duties
of a candidate, I may find time to address
my fellow citizens on the state of the nation."
From the A". Y. Evening Post.
Freedom vs. Slavery.
Martin Van Buren.—I am in favor of
prohibiting by law the introduction ofslavery into territory now free.
Lewis Cass—I will veto any law prohibiting slavery in territories now free.
Gen. Taylor—1 say nothing on that
subject, I keeps mum. The Yankees guess
I'm for freedom. The slaveholders rekon
I'm for Slavery ; but as I have myself
only 300 slaves, I let xhem'rekon and guess.
The People—We no go General, you
?nust show your colors.        anti-smoke.
Liberty.—The right to carry Slavery
into free territory.
Equality.—The three-fifths Slave representation.
Fraternity.—Two Hunkers of the old
parties damning the Bolters.
A Spectacle to laugh at.—A Cass
man and a Taylor man, whose faces as
so covered with unbaked bread that they
cannot stir a muscle, trying to call each
other dough face.
Stupidity.—Asking Gen. Taylor for an
opinion on politics.—Akron Platform.
Save me from my friends.—If any one
ever had reason to fear his friends more
than the crowned heads of Europe do Gen'i
Cass, it is poor misrepresented Gen. Tay-J
lor. The Whigs insist upon running him
for the Presidency, and he insists that he
is not the "candidate of the party;" the
Whigs insist that "he is pledged," as tho
Indiana State Journal says, "not to interpose the veto on this question" of slavery-
extension, when he declares he is not pledged ; the Whigs insist that he is a Free Soil
man, while the old General tells his brazen
foul libelers to look at his own soil—that
which he owns, and see for themselves,
that it is not Free Soil. It can't be that he
reads the papers, or he would take a military turn on these friends.—Cin. Signal.
An Exquisite Bull.—A Mr. Pollard„
one of the Baltimore Reformed Drunkards, recently in a speech before a temperance assemblage, made the following
unique bull: "Fathers," exclaimed he with
the most ardent enthusiasm, "you have
children; or if you have not, your daughters may have."
•
0^?= John Van Buren, it is said, was offered a foreign mission if he would cease
his opposition to Cass. He replied that
he prefered the home missionary servicet
•